Author: Simon Shuster, Time; Translated by Deng Tong, Golden Finance
Who did we just elect? At the top of the Republican ballot are two names: Donald Trump and J.D. Vance. But part of this crazy November gave the impression that others had seized our collective fate.
We have come to know the various roles he plays— the one who acquired Twitter and fired more than half the staff, the inventor who revived the space program, the automaker whose new truck made kids stop and stare on sidewalks. Suddenly, Elon Musk entered the political arena, hosting rallies, guiding government appointments, and shaping the agenda for the next American president.
For more than three years, he has been one of the richest and most powerful people in the world. Markets have surged and plummeted based on his tweets. Astronauts fly on his spacecraft. The military uses signals from his satellites to advance. Conspiracy theories have become mainstream through his embrace. But only under the spotlight of these elections does his influence fully manifest.
Since the time of William Randolph Hearst, who propelled the rise of Roosevelt nearly a century ago, no ordinary citizen has lived so prominently in so many aspects of American life, now incorporating the political into the sphere of his will. Standing next to him, even Trump appears almost awed, as if he is not a boss but a peer, for the challenges of this planet are still not large enough for him.
Photo illustration provided by Time magazine (Source image: NurPhoto/Getty Images)
Currently, they are connected like partners, through the benefits they trade and the shared desire to dismantle government institutions. They may issue commands with one voice temporarily. But their agendas are not aligned in all matters. Both are capricious, impulsive, and used to being in control. What happens if they start to clash?
In this fight, Musk may not have the upper hand. History is littered with the wreckage of powerful kings who went to war with the leaders they appointed. No matter how much wealth or influence Musk accumulates, the tools of national power will remain in the hands of the president, and if he decides to use those tools against the billionaire who helped him return to the White House, things could get messy.
Ultimately, the durability of their partnership may depend on Musk's motivations: what drives him to become the MAGA prophet? If what he wants is money, then the task is accomplished.
Due to investor frenzy over Tesla stock, his wealth soared by more than $50 billion a week after the election, peaking at over $320 billion. But wealth has never been Musk's obsession. He has staked his fortune on lunar passion projects, such as building greenhouses on Mars, enough to prove that his dreams are different from the ordinary Klingons on Trump's Starship. (Note: Klingons are a warlike extraterrestrial race in the fictional universe of Star Trek.)
Those close to Musk say that his ultimate goal has not changed since founding the rocket company SpaceX in 2002. (The company's investors include Marc Benioff and Lynne Benioff, owners of Time magazine.) His favorite T-shirt reads: Occupy Mars. 'Everything is for that mission,' a member of Musk's social circle recently discussed his plans. 'He just realizes that controlling the U.S. government budget, directly or indirectly, will get us to Mars in his lifetime. Doing it privately will take longer.'
This does not mean that American taxpayers will foot the bill for Musk's interstellar travel dreams. But when eccentric dreamers are in charge of the government, the public often pays the price. Millions of Americans, from retired factory workers to debt-laden graduates and newborns, stand to lose from social programs Musk has pledged to cut. Despite Musk tweeting multiple times a day to his 205 million followers, he has refused to answer reporters' questions, including this one, since becoming an advisor to the elected president. He has not explained his contacts with U.S. adversaries from China, Russia, and Iran. He also has not addressed the conflicts of interest arising from his key role in a government under regulatory scrutiny.
So far, Trump seems willing to cooperate. In his victory speech on November 6, he spent four minutes praising Musk, calling him a 'super genius' who helped him run a ground campaign in Pennsylvania, reportedly paying canvassers to knock on 11 million doors and hiring vans to transport Amish voters to polling stations. 'We have a new star,' Trump cheered from the stage in Florida. 'A star is born—Musk!' It wasn't until about 19 minutes into the speech that the incoming president returned to the teleprompter and remembered to thank his voters.
Musk's significance to Trump's campaign goes far beyond the $120 million he invested, the ground projects he established, or the social media boosts he provided. For many young people flocking to Trump, Musk is an ideal embodiment. He injects originality and possibility into familiar nostalgic behavior. If Trump promises to destroy corrupt institutions to excite his supporters, Musk represents the commitment to create new things and solve problems. Trump appears less old at rallies, with the edge lord of playing Diablo bouncing around him. When Trump's opponents depict his team as a bunch of fools, the greatest innovator of our time, with a record of executing quirky plans, promising to cut $2 trillion in spending, makes it even harder for his opponents.
No matter how frequently Democrats remind us that Trump's wealth comes from inherited wealth, multiple bankruptcies, and decades of corporate chicanery, they cannot deny Musk's achievements as a businessman. Even the billionaire class's scourge, Senator Bernie Sanders, recently dodged his criticism on a podcast: 'Elon Musk is a very, very aggressive, capable businessman, and what he has accomplished is impressive. He said, I can do in a week what the government can do in five years, and in some ways, he is right.'
As confidence in the government reaches a low point, many voters hope to see a capable outsider, ruthless and independent, who knows how to use a massive machine to make it leaner, faster, and more efficient. Musk's commitment to cutting costs has created momentum and cover on a scale not seen in Washington for years. During Trump's first presidential term, this agenda did not make much progress. Millions rely on government jobs and the protections provided by regulatory agencies against predatory businesses, such as those that let us abuse opioids and cigarettes to treat asthma. But small-government Republicans will be eager to follow Musk's lead, getting embroiled in ugly budget battles over federal waste and bloated welfare. Many Americans will support them.
During the campaign, Musk's most compelling argument was not on Joe Rogan's show or on the stage at a Trump rally. It was at the launch pad in Boca Chica, Texas, where Musk's aerospace company captured a returning rocket with a pair of mechanical arms, astonishing the world. If someone who does this is so passionately supporting Trump, can't Trump accomplish some of the promises he made?
Many voters seem to think so, especially young men whom Musk targets with bravado. 'The most important factor here is that men need to vote,' Musk told Rogan on the eve of the election. The next day, when 60% of white voters supported Trump, Musk tweeted, 'The cavalry has arrived.' But his appeal extends far beyond the manosphere. It has also resonated with large numbers of voters who are weary of Trump's personality but excited about his policies. Television experts say these people need a 'permission structure'; Musk provided that to suburban women like Betsy Stecz. When she was waiting in line for his rally in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, she said: 'Well, I can hold my head high and say I’m not ashamed to vote for Donald Trump.' In her view, the reason was Musk.
Given the role he played in this victory, Musk may expect some returns. But reports suggest that his position during Trump's transition has made some aides uneasy. Throughout much of November, Musk camped at Mar-a-Lago, weighing cabinet candidates and advising Trump on policy priorities. He golfed with the incoming president, sat ringside with him at an Ultimate Fighting Championship event, and posed for photos with the Trump family; one grandchild praised Musk on social media as having earned 'uncle status.' Musk coined a different term for his position: 'first partner.'
On November 16, 2024, elected President Donald Trump, Tesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, and Donald Trump Jr. (right) watch the UFC 309 fight at Madison Square Garden in New York. Kena Betancur-AFP/Getty Images
Even such statements are an understatement. Turkish and Ukrainian leaders have had Musk listen in on their conversations with Trump. Reports say an Iranian envoy accused of trying to assassinate Trump met with Musk to discuss easing tensions. (The Iranian Foreign Ministry denied this meeting.) When House Republicans invited Trump to a closed-door meeting on Capitol Hill, Musk trailed behind, with a car window in Trump's motorcade labeled 'GUEST 1.'
At that time, Trump appointed him to lead a new entity called the Department of Government Efficiency. Its acronym, DOGE, is a nod to the dog-themed cryptocurrency Musk promoted in a joking manner. But its mission is serious. Trump claimed to 'dismantle' the federal bureaucracy and 'reorganize' its agencies. 'This will send shockwaves through the entire system,' Musk said.
It could also give Musk influence over many agencies that regulate his work. In the weeks leading up to the election, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration announced it was investigating Tesla's autonomous vehicles after crash incidents. In June, California regulators ordered Tesla to 'correct its ongoing air quality violations at its Fremont factory.' Tesla stated that its cars are safe and that its facilities meet environmental standards. SpaceX has also clashed with the Federal Aviation Administration, and Musk threatened to sue the FAA in September. A New York Times commentary found that his company faces at least 20 regulatory battles and investigations from 'every corner of the government.' Musk and several representatives declined to comment or respond to Time's questions for this article, including potential conflicts of interest.
He has not explained what principles will guide his purge of the bureaucracy. DOGE co-director Vivek Ramaswamy campaigned in the last Republican primary with a pro-business, libertarian stance. In contrast, Musk's political leanings are harder to pin down. This summer, he described himself as 'a moderate Democrat in history.' He called climate change the defining challenge of our time. When Barack Obama ran for president in 2008, Musk waited six hours to shake his hand.
His relationship with Trump is often unstable. They have starkly different views on tariffs, and Musk resigned as a White House advisor less than six months after taking the position in protest of Trump's climate policies. Five years later, Musk stated that it was time for Trump to 'drive into the sunset,' provoking a strong response. Trump remarked, 'Musk should focus on getting himself out of the mess with Twitter, as he may owe $44 billion for something that may be worthless.'
Trump has a point. Musk's acquisition of Twitter has no obvious business rationale. By 2022, he paid at least twice the company's value and then spent weeks destroying the company's revenue streams and cashing in on its talent. He stated that under his leadership, the company's workforce was reduced from 8,000 to about 1,500. Some of the posts he made on the platform (which he renamed 'X') were considered instances of corporate self-harm. Some labeled antisemitic theories as 'real truth.' (He later apologized.) Another shared a conspiracy theory about the hammer attack that hospitalized House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's husband with a skull fracture. In response, dozens of companies, including Microsoft and Coca-Cola, pulled their ads from the platform. 'Don't advertise,' he told them from the stage at a meeting last fall. 'If someone wants to blackmail me with money, then get lost.' Investment firm Fidelity estimated in October that X had lost nearly 80% of its value over the past two years.
From the top left, clockwise: Mark Seliger for Time magazine, Mark Mahaney for Time magazine, Nigel Buchanan for Time illustration, Tim O'Brien for Time illustration
Musk seems unfazed. Even without most of the employees, the platform continues to operate, often ranking at the top of the most downloaded news apps on the Apple App Store. Major advertisers have already returned. For some observers, all this is enough for them to applaud Musk's acquisition, calling it a masterstroke of corporate efficiency. A member of Musk's social circle said, 'What Elon did to Twitter is he went in, cleaned the house, and now it runs better than ever.' 'So the sentiment is, hope Musk can do the same with the U.S. government.'
This is a daunting task. Even fiscal hawks are hesitant about Musk's promise to eliminate $2 trillion in federal spending. It requires cuts to Medicare, Social Security, and other parts of the social safety net. Musk warned the nation to prepare for a period of 'temporary hardship' as these cuts take effect. But it remains unclear whether he has the capacity to implement them. DOGE will remain outside the government, with no authority to fire federal employees. Many budget experts anticipate it will be like countless blue ribbon panels that have tried to pressure politicians into cutting popular programs, but failed. When it comes to identifying waste, fraud, and abuse, Congress does not need assistance: it already has an oversight agency called the Government Accountability Office that is working hard to get this job done.
Many early fans of DOGE recognized its potential limitations but still celebrated it. Wall Street Journal columnist Andy Kessler wrote on November 17: 'Yes, the Department of Government Efficiency may be a pipe dream, and it could ultimately be as indispensable as the silly department of the giant python theater. But even if Musk's DOGE just cuts some bloat and saves a few hundred billion dollars, it's worth it.'
During the campaign, Musk frequently spoke about the necessity of America. 'Live honestly' and 'live within our means.' But if his social media platform is any guide, his goals may have less to do with efficiency and more with ideology. The stated aim of his acquisition of Twitter aligns with one of the reasons he supports Trump's favorite arguments: he says he wants to save free speech in America. 'Free speech is the cornerstone of democracy,' he told Joe Rogan on the eve of the election. 'Once you lose free speech, you lose democracy. Game over. That's why I bought Twitter.' Multiple reports and studies have concluded that under his management, the platform has become a haven for hate and harmful content, partly because he fired its content moderation team.
When asked to explain his rightward shift, Musk often refers to the 'work mindset virus,' a term he uses for America’s leftward tilt, which he believes has led to identity politics, cancel culture, and alleged rampant censorship. His resentment towards these forces is not merely political. During the pandemic, one of his children sought gender-affirming medical services, which Musk claimed he was tricked into approving. His transgender daughter, now 20, is estranged from her father and legally changed her name to Vivian Jenna Wilson in 2022. In a July podcast, Musk said his child 'died, killed by the woke virus. I swear to eradicate the work mindset virus from now on.'
Wilson responded the next day: 'As a dead bitch, I look pretty good.' On November 5, as the election results became clearer, Wilson posted another message: 'Blame those damn politicians and oligarchs who caused this. Vent your anger at them.'
In ancient Greek, the term oligarchy means 'rule by the few.' Its earliest critic was Aristotle. In the 4th century BC, the philosopher described it as a situation where 'the propertied class holds government.' In medieval Venice, the leaders of the oligarchic group exercised lifetime rule, with their title mirroring that of Musk’s newly created department: governor.
Elon Musk speaks at a rally for former President and presidential candidate Donald Trump. Sasha Leika—Rolling Stone/Getty Images
This system is most purely embodied in Russia in the 1990s, when a handful of businessmen acquired control over the national economy during the chaotic transition to capitalism. The Russian term for oligarchy is semibankirshchina—rule by seven bankers.
The most powerful among them was Boris Berezovsky, who helped Putin win his first election in 2000 with his media assets, hoping the new president would share the spoils of power. Instead, the two began to quarrel. The Russian government soon forced Berezovsky into exile and confiscated his television network. The oligarch died bankrupt and alone in 2013 at his mansion in the English countryside. Authorities ruled it a suicide. To this day, his former media channels still relay the Kremlin's messages.
One of Boris Berezovsky's close partners, Alex Goldfarb, now lives in New Jersey, following Musk and Trump with a mix of familiarity and fear. 'It seems that an oligarchy is forming here as well,' he said. 'In the early years under Putin's leadership, the oligarchs fought tooth and nail against the state,' Goldfarb said. 'Here, we seem to have two oligarchs, Musk and Trump, working together to take over the country.'
The outcome may depend on how this new dual monopoly treats the institutions they are about to control. If the goal is to refine them into leaner, more effective tools of governance, then the public could benefit from reshaping a system long burdened by bureaucratic weakness. But Trump, like Putin in Russia, may use these tools to benefit his friends and marginalize his enemies.
Musk could benefit immensely from this arrangement. As long as he maintains the role of 'first partner,' he may expect to easily shed the influence of the regulatory agencies appointed by Trump across the government. Thus, his clearest path to Mars could run directly through the Oval Office. But what benefits could ordinary Americans gain, apart from witnessing his spectacular successes?
The institutions that provide us with healthcare, keep water clean, and educate our children should not operate like businesses. They are not built for profit, but that does not diminish their value, especially for citizens who are least able to pay. If these institutions are eliminated in Musk's drive for efficiency, the hardships for those who rely on government support will not be temporary. For them, this suffering could be catastrophic, and Musk's commitment to interstellar futures cannot help them solve today's problems.